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NASA succeeded in reaching the Moon, but for long-term deep space programs there is much more that needs to be done, and the station has provided a platform for this. In addition to studying astronaut health, work on the ISS has led to maturing the art of spacewalking, valuable experience for crews and ground support teams maintaining complex machinery off-Earth, and development of closed-loop life support systems. | |
Submitted at 11-02-2020, 01:40 AM by Nibbles | |
0 Comments | |
This is the first account of Trump explicitly discussing his own intentions. | |
Submitted at 11-02-2020, 12:06 AM by wintermute | |
Submitted at 11-02-2020, 12:04 AM by longtime listener | |
Tesla is getting more aggressive in revoking paid software features on used cars, raising the stakes in a battle over what used Teslas can do that has raged for years. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 07:21 PM by Wreckard | |
An interview with the Pennsylvania attorney general about what's coming next. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 04:00 PM by Xiphias | |
The polarizing GOP congressional candidate known for his anti-gay politics also preaches predatory debt collection. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 03:51 PM by Xiphias | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 04:51 PM by Xiphias | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 03:33 PM by Xiphias | |
The GIs had run for office on an unusual platform: “Your vote will be counted as cast.” The public needed no convincing to vote the machine out of office: In fact, they had probably done so at least three times before. But the regime had no fear of losing, and never let the people forget it.
The sheriff and his deputies used the town as their own personal bank, arresting citizens for made-up crimes and pocketing the money made on every arrest. Many of the GIs learned this the hard way: Deputies greeted every busful of returning veterans and, knowing they had mustering out pay, invented reasons to take them to jail. That was just what they earned on the books: Casinos, brothels and roadhouses paid for protection.
Elections followed a familiar script: The machine marked up and mailed themselves absentee ballots in the names of others, some of whom were living; armed deputies ran the show; ineligible voters were allowed to cast ballots, sometimes more than once, while legitimate voters were turned away or forced to use see-through ballots; members of the public, entitled to watch the vote count, were forced away at gunpoint; ballot boxes were removed from polling places to the jail and other buildings controlled by machine gunmen. The results were whatever the machine decided they were.
To the GIs, who had been told that they were fighting for the free world, the situation was intolerable. Their political movement was planned in secret. Organizers communicated in code and never met in the same place twice. They went public in May, 1946, with a convention of 300 veterans, nominating a slate of GIs on a good government program. Any notions that they would have a fair election were quickly disabused. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 03:00 PM by droog | |
The former "Celebrity Apprentice" talent handler on what he saw behind the scenes. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 03:11 PM by nocash | |
The co-founder of the popular Salt Life brand was arrested Friday after an 18-year-old woman was found dead inside a South Florida hotel. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 01:15 PM by a murder of lawyers | |
Texas Republicans have asked a federal judge to throw out at least 117,000 ballots cast in Harris County, a heavily Democratic area that has experienced an unprecedented surge in early voting this month. The brazen effort to undo legally cast ballots in a diverse, populous county is an eleventh-hour attempt to diminish Joe Biden’s chances of carrying the swing state on Nov. 3. Republicans claim that Harris County’s use of drive-thru voting violates the U.S. Constitution, requiring the judge to throw out every ballot cast this way—more than 117,000 as of Friday. This argument is outrageous and absurd. But the case landed in front of U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen, one of the most notoriously partisan conservatives in the federal judiciary. Democrats have good reason to fear that Hanen will order the mass nullification of ballots as early as Nov. 2, when he has scheduled a hearing.
Because Texas strictly limits mail-in voting, Harris County—which has a population of over 4.7 million people—has sought to make in-person voting safer during the pandemic. Harris County Clerk Chris Hollins, who runs the county’s elections, established 10 drive-thru voting locations for the 2020 general election. Drivers pull into a large tent, where election officials confirm their identity, then give them privacy to vote. The process has proved wildly popular.
Harris County raised the idea of drive-thru voting in June, and Texas Secretary of State Ruth Hughs promptly approved it. The county tested it in July and approved it in August. Yet Republicans did not contest drive-thru voting in court until Oct. 15, two days after the start of early voting. On that day, the Harris County Republican Party, joined by several GOP operatives, asked the Texas Supreme Court to halt drive-thru voting. The court, which is entirely Republican, refused, over a single dissent. Republicans then went back to the Texas Supreme Court, asking it to toss out every ballot cast via drive-thru voting. The court is currently considering that request, though it seems unlikely to side with the plaintiffs given its previous decision.
So Republicans ran to federal court. On Wednesday, they asked Hanen to declare drive-thru voting unconstitutional and void every ballot cast this way. They relied upon a radical theory that is quickly gaining popularity among conservative judges. Republicans alleged that the state Legislature has sole authority over election law under the U.S. Constitution. They also claimed that the Legislature never approved drive-thru voting. As a result, they argued, the procedure is an unconstitutional usurpation of the Legislature’s power, meaning every ballot cast via drive-thru voting is illegitimate. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 12:30 AM by sleeppoor | |
New outbreaks used to be traced back to crowded factories and rowdy bars. But now, the virus is so widespread not even health officials are able to keep up. | |
Submitted at 11-01-2020, 12:45 AM by Forensic | |
Supporters of President Donald Trump allegedly harassed a Joe Biden-Kamala Harris bus as it traveled through Central Texas on Friday, according to local Democratic activists. | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 08:50 PM by wintermute | |
The working paper, released late Friday, examined the impact of 18 rallies held between June 20 and Sept. 30. | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 10:06 PM by wintermute | |
AUSTIN, Texas (KEYE) — The Biden-Harris Bus made a brief appearance in Downtown Austin at 11th and Lavaca on Friday. Texas Democrats were hoping to host speakers like Congressman Lloyd Doggett, Wendy Davis and Austin Mayor Steve Adler but the Texas Democrats told us they canceled the event so not to take away attention from vice presidential candidate Kamala Harris, who made three stops in the Lone Star State on Friday in Forth Worth, McAllen and Houston. | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 07:13 PM by Xiphias | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 05:42 PM by Forensic | |
Before dawn on January 23, 2019, Mark McConnell arrived at the Key West headquarters of the military and civilian task force that monitors drugs headed to the United States from the Southern Hemisphere. McConnell, a prosecutor at the Department of Justice and a former marine, left his phone in a box designed to block electronic transmissions, and passed through a metal detector and a key-card-protected air lock to enter the building. On the second floor, he punched in the code for his office door, then locked it behind him. On a computer approved for the handling of classified information, he loaded a series of screenshots he had taken, showing entries in a database called Helios, which federal law enforcement uses to track drug smugglers. McConnell e-mailed the images to a classified government hotline for whistle-blowers. Then he printed backup copies and, following government procedures for handling classified information, sealed them in an envelope that he placed in another envelope, marked “SECRET.” He hid the material behind a piece of furniture.
McConnell had uncovered what he described as a “criminal conspiracy” perpetrated by the C.I.A. and the F.B.I. Every year, entries in the Helios database lead to hundreds of drug busts, which lead to prosecutions in American courts. The entries are typically submitted to Helios by the Drug Enforcement Administration, the F.B.I., and a division of the Department of Homeland Security. But McConnell had learned that more than a hundred entries in the database that were labelled as originating from F.B.I. investigations were actually from a secret C.I.A. surveillance program. He realized that C.I.A. officers and F.B.I. agents, in violation of federal law and Department of Justice guidelines, had concealed the information’s origins from federal prosecutors, leaving judges and defense lawyers in the dark. Critics call such concealment “intelligence laundering.” In the nineteen-seventies, after C.I.A. agents were found to have performed experiments with LSD on unwitting Americans and investigated Vietnam War protesters, restrictions were imposed that bar the agency from being involved in domestic law-enforcement activities. Since the country’s founding, judges, jurors, and defendants have generally had the right to know how evidence used in a trial was gathered. “This was undisclosed information, from an agency working internationally with different rules and standards,” Nancy Gertner, a retired federal district judge and a senior lecturer at Harvard Law School, told me. “This should worry Trump voters who talk about a ‘deep state.’ This is the quintessential deep state. This is activities beyond your view, fundamentally affecting what happens in American courts.”
But the scheme benefitted the C.I.A. and the F.B.I.: the former received information obtained during operations, and the latter reported increased arrests and was able to secure additional federal funding as a result. The scope of the scheme was corroborated in hundreds of pages of e-mails, transcripts, and other documents obtained by The New Yorker.
For weeks, C.I.A. officials had been trying to stop McConnell from revealing the agency’s activities. They sent a lawyer to Key West with nondisclosure agreements, but McConnell refused to sign. A day before his early arrival at the office, McConnell had learned of an order to delete the screenshots on his computer. “I knew that I had to get the electronic evidence to outside investigators,” he told me. “There was no doubt about what I needed to do, and there was no doubt retaliation against me would follow.” He worked quickly, not knowing when security officers would arrive. Later that day, they came to McConnell’s office and deleted the images.
A little more than a month later, after C.I.A. officials accused McConnell of “spilling” classified information, the director of the task force suspended him. Soon, the C.I.A. director, Gina Haspel, visited the task force and was briefed on the matter. According to a sworn affidavit that McConnell filed with the Senate Intelligence Committee, and to a source with knowledge of the meeting, Haspel said that there needed to be repercussions for McConnell. (A C.I.A. spokesperson, Timothy Barrett, called the allegation “inaccurate and a gross mischaracterization.”) The military leadership of the task force ignored McConnell’s appeal of his suspension, and discussions about future assignments came to an abrupt halt. Six officials said that they believed the C.I.A. had retaliated against McConnell, leaving him nominally employed but unable to find a new post after decades of public service. | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 05:27 PM by sleeppoor | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 04:43 PM by Xiphias | |
Submitted at 10-31-2020, 03:09 PM by Forensic | |

NASA succeeded in reaching the Moon, but for long-term deep space programs there is much more that needs to be done, and the station has provided a platform for this. In addition to studying astronaut health, work on the ISS has led to maturing the art of spacewalking, valuable experience for crews and ground support teams maintaining complex machinery off-Earth, and development of closed-loop life support systems.
This is the first account of Trump explicitly discussing his own intentions.
Tesla is getting more aggressive in revoking paid software features on used cars, raising the stakes in a battle over what used Teslas can do that has raged for years.
An interview with the Pennsylvania attorney general about what's coming next.
The polarizing GOP congressional candidate known for his anti-gay politics also preaches predatory debt collection.
The GIs had run for office on an unusual platform: “Your vote will be counted as cast.” The public needed no convincing to vote the machine out of office: In fact, they had probably done so at least three times before. But the regime had no fear of losing, and never let the people forget it.
The sheriff and his deputies used the town as their own personal bank, arresting citizens for made-up crimes and pocketing the money made on every arrest. Many of the GIs learned this the hard way: Deputies greeted every busful of returning veterans and, knowing they had mustering out pay, invented reasons to take them to jail. That was just what they earned on the books: Casinos, brothels and roadhouses paid for protection.
Elections followed a familiar script: The machine marked up and mailed themselves absentee ballots in the names of others, some of whom were living; armed deputies ran the show; ineligible voters were allowed to cast ballots, sometimes more than once, while legitimate voters were turned away or forced to use see-through ballots; members of the public, entitled to watch the vote count, were forced away at gunpoint; ballot boxes were removed from polling places to the jail and other buildings controlled by machine gunmen. The results were whatever the machine decided they were.
To the GIs, who had been told that they were fighting for the free world, the situation was intolerable. Their political movement was planned in secret. Organizers communicated in code and never met in the same place twice. They went public in May, 1946, with a convention of 300 veterans, nominating a slate of GIs on a good government program. Any notions that they would have a fair election were quickly disabused.
The former "Celebrity Apprentice" talent handler on what he saw behind the scenes.
The co-founder of the popular Salt Life brand was arrested Friday after an 18-year-old woman was found dead inside a South Florida hotel.
Texas Republicans have asked a federal judge to throw out at least 117,000 ballots cast in Harris County, a heavily Democratic area that has experienced an unprecedented surge in early voting this month. The brazen effort to undo legally cast ballots in a diverse, populous county is an eleventh-hour attempt to diminish Joe Biden’s chances of carrying the swing state on Nov. 3. Republicans claim that Harris County’s use of drive-thru voting violates the U.S. Constitution, requiring the judge to throw out every ballot cast this way—more than 117,000 as of Friday. This argument is outrageous and absurd. But the case landed in front of U.S. District Judge Andrew Hanen, one of the most notoriously partisan conservatives in the federal judiciary. Democrats have good reason to fear that Hanen will order the mass nullification of ballots as early as Nov. 2, when he has scheduled a hearing.
Because Texas strictly limits mail-in voting, Harris County—which has a population of over 4.7 million people—has sought to make in-person voting safer during the pandemic. Harris County Clerk Chris Hollins, who runs the county’s elections, established 10 drive-thru voting locations for the 2020 general election. Drivers pull into a large tent, where election officials confirm their identity, then give them privacy to vote. The process has proved wildly popular.
Harris County raised the idea of drive-thru voting in June, and Texas Secretary of State Ruth Hughs promptly approved it. The county tested it in July and approved it in August. Yet Republicans did not contest drive-thru voting in court until Oct. 15, two days after the start of early voting. On that day, the Harris County Republican Party, joined by several GOP operatives, asked the Texas Supreme Court to halt drive-thru voting. The court, which is entirely Republican, refused, over a single dissent. Republicans then went back to the Texas Supreme Court, asking it to toss out every ballot cast via drive-thru voting. The court is currently considering that request, though it seems unlikely to side with the plaintiffs given its previous decision.
So Republicans ran to federal court. On Wednesday, they asked Hanen to declare drive-thru voting unconstitutional and void every ballot cast this way. They relied upon a radical theory that is quickly gaining popularity among conservative judges. Republicans alleged that the state Legislature has sole authority over election law under the U.S. Constitution. They also claimed that the Legislature never approved drive-thru voting. As a result, they argued, the procedure is an unconstitutional usurpation of the Legislature’s power, meaning every ballot cast via drive-thru voting is illegitimate.
New outbreaks used to be traced back to crowded factories and rowdy bars. But now, the virus is so widespread not even health officials are able to keep up.
Supporters of President Donald Trump allegedly harassed a Joe Biden-Kamala Harris bus as it traveled through Central Texas on Friday, according to local Democratic activists.
The working paper, released late Friday, examined the impact of 18 rallies held between June 20 and Sept. 30.
AUSTIN, Texas (KEYE) — The Biden-Harris Bus made a brief appearance in Downtown Austin at 11th and Lavaca on Friday. Texas Democrats were hoping to host speakers like Congressman Lloyd Doggett, Wendy Davis and Austin Mayor Steve Adler but the Texas Democrats told us they canceled the event so not to take away attention from vice presidential candidate Kamala Harris, who made three stops in the Lone Star State on Friday in Forth Worth, McAllen and Houston.
Before dawn on January 23, 2019, Mark McConnell arrived at the Key West headquarters of the military and civilian task force that monitors drugs headed to the United States from the Southern Hemisphere. McConnell, a prosecutor at the Department of Justice and a former marine, left his phone in a box designed to block electronic transmissions, and passed through a metal detector and a key-card-protected air lock to enter the building. On the second floor, he punched in the code for his office door, then locked it behind him. On a computer approved for the handling of classified information, he loaded a series of screenshots he had taken, showing entries in a database called Helios, which federal law enforcement uses to track drug smugglers. McConnell e-mailed the images to a classified government hotline for whistle-blowers. Then he printed backup copies and, following government procedures for handling classified information, sealed them in an envelope that he placed in another envelope, marked “SECRET.” He hid the material behind a piece of furniture.
McConnell had uncovered what he described as a “criminal conspiracy” perpetrated by the C.I.A. and the F.B.I. Every year, entries in the Helios database lead to hundreds of drug busts, which lead to prosecutions in American courts. The entries are typically submitted to Helios by the Drug Enforcement Administration, the F.B.I., and a division of the Department of Homeland Security. But McConnell had learned that more than a hundred entries in the database that were labelled as originating from F.B.I. investigations were actually from a secret C.I.A. surveillance program. He realized that C.I.A. officers and F.B.I. agents, in violation of federal law and Department of Justice guidelines, had concealed the information’s origins from federal prosecutors, leaving judges and defense lawyers in the dark. Critics call such concealment “intelligence laundering.” In the nineteen-seventies, after C.I.A. agents were found to have performed experiments with LSD on unwitting Americans and investigated Vietnam War protesters, restrictions were imposed that bar the agency from being involved in domestic law-enforcement activities. Since the country’s founding, judges, jurors, and defendants have generally had the right to know how evidence used in a trial was gathered. “This was undisclosed information, from an agency working internationally with different rules and standards,” Nancy Gertner, a retired federal district judge and a senior lecturer at Harvard Law School, told me. “This should worry Trump voters who talk about a ‘deep state.’ This is the quintessential deep state. This is activities beyond your view, fundamentally affecting what happens in American courts.”
But the scheme benefitted the C.I.A. and the F.B.I.: the former received information obtained during operations, and the latter reported increased arrests and was able to secure additional federal funding as a result. The scope of the scheme was corroborated in hundreds of pages of e-mails, transcripts, and other documents obtained by The New Yorker.
For weeks, C.I.A. officials had been trying to stop McConnell from revealing the agency’s activities. They sent a lawyer to Key West with nondisclosure agreements, but McConnell refused to sign. A day before his early arrival at the office, McConnell had learned of an order to delete the screenshots on his computer. “I knew that I had to get the electronic evidence to outside investigators,” he told me. “There was no doubt about what I needed to do, and there was no doubt retaliation against me would follow.” He worked quickly, not knowing when security officers would arrive. Later that day, they came to McConnell’s office and deleted the images.
A little more than a month later, after C.I.A. officials accused McConnell of “spilling” classified information, the director of the task force suspended him. Soon, the C.I.A. director, Gina Haspel, visited the task force and was briefed on the matter. According to a sworn affidavit that McConnell filed with the Senate Intelligence Committee, and to a source with knowledge of the meeting, Haspel said that there needed to be repercussions for McConnell. (A C.I.A. spokesperson, Timothy Barrett, called the allegation “inaccurate and a gross mischaracterization.”) The military leadership of the task force ignored McConnell’s appeal of his suspension, and discussions about future assignments came to an abrupt halt. Six officials said that they believed the C.I.A. had retaliated against McConnell, leaving him nominally employed but unable to find a new post after decades of public service.