At least four people have died in Alabama, United States, after taking on another deadly TikTok challenge, which had them jumping off the rear of a fast-moving boat. State officials said all four died instantly after they broke their necks.

Three teenagers are charged with murder after police say their plot to egg a home as part of an "ongoing lover's quarrel" in Griffin, Georgia, escalated to gunfire. Deputies arrived to a call of a "man down" in the road last week to discover a man had been shot and killed, the Spalding County Sheriff's Office said in a press release Saturday. The victim was identified as Johnathan Gilbert. The three teenagers — Sydney Maughon, 18; Jeremy Munson, 19; and McKenzie Davenport, 19 — were allegedly vandalizing Gilbert's home when he came out to confront them, according to Spalding County Sheriff Darrell Dix.

The verdict was reached Friday in a wrongful death lawsuit filed by Augustus’ family after the July 14, 2018, shooting in South Shore that prompted protests and civil unrest.

Content warning: This article contains mention of hazing, sexual assault and suicidal ideation. A former Northwestern University football player told The Daily some of the hazing conduct investigated by the university involved coerced sexual acts. A second player confirmed these details. The player also told The Daily that head coach Pat Fitzgerald may have known that hazing took place. “I’ve seen it with my own eyes, and it’s just absolutely egregious and vile and inhumane behavior,” the player, who asked to remain anonymous in this story, said.

The exclusive Horatio Alger Association brought the justice access to wealthy members and unreported V.I.P. treatment. He, in turn, offered another kind of access.

SFPD encircle large group of teenagers, holding them for hours. Parents arrive to wait hours before seeing and retrieving their kids.

Damn, nightlife downtown hasn’t been this hot since the 90s.

A naturalist cuts through the myths surrounding the invasive plant

In post-World War I America, young people shocked their elders with jazz music, jittery dancing and public displays of affection.

The market veteran Ed Yardeni says fears of an imminent recession are overblown because millions of baby boomers will soon retire and begin spending down their massive $75 trillion nest egg.

Colm Meaney discovered politics as a teenager, up against the forces of John Charles McQuaid. Since then, he has relished combining activism with acting We talk some more about politics. He reads the Irish papers online every day and is appalled by the housing crisis. “The house I grew up in was built by the Dublin Corporation,” Meaney says. “How could we build houses then and can’t build them now?... It’s f**king Thatcherism, Reaganism, the neoliberals and the trickle-down economy that Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael both bought into, [the idea] that the market will sort everything out. B***ocks.” Meaney is very much on the left. He hosted Martin McGuinness’s presidential rally in the Mansion House in 2011 and played McGuinness in the film The Journey in 2016. When Sinn Féin split in 1970, he sided with Official Sinn Féin (later the Workers Party) who took a more mainstream political path. “I didn’t come around to supporting what is now Sinn Féin until the late ‘90s, until the peace process…. They’re not left enough for me, but they are of the left, at least,” he says.

What happened before, during and after the South Baltimore shooting that killed 2 and injured 28.

In May, the Sierra Club—the 130-year-old environmental group—announced an extensive overhaul of the organization, meant to make up for a projected $40 million budget deficit. That means massive layoffs, cutting whole departments, and radically changing the job descriptions of remaining employees. Under the terms of its collective bargaining agreement with the Progressive Workers Union, or PWU, which represents nearly 400 Sierra Club employees, the group is also required to negotiate over the impact that the restructuring process will have on union members. For more than two months, the union and the nonprofit have been going back and forth about the terms of its restructuring. It’s getting ugly. Last week, the Sierra Club made its last, best, and final offer on the terms of the restructuring and layoffs, according to PWU President C.J. Garcia-Linz, who is also a Sierra Club employee in Michigan. If the union doesn’t accept that within four business days, by July 10, then Sierra Club has said it will declare that negotiations have reached an impasse, a technical term indicating that there is no hope for the two parties to reach an agreement. PWU disputes that negotiations are anywhere close to an impasse, highlighting the nonprofit’s refusal to bargain over important aspects of the restructuring process and provide requested information. “Just because they’re tired and over the process doesn’t mean we’re done,” Garcia-Linz told me. The PWU currently has four unfair labor practice charges against the Sierra Club pending in front of the National Labor Relations Board, three of which were filed after the restructuring announcement. (One relates to an earlier hiring freeze.) The Sierra Club also made the somewhat unusual move of filing its own unfair labor practice charge against the union after it had leveled two against the green group in May. In the charge, the Sierra Club accuses the PWU of violating the National Labor Relations Act by bargaining in bad faith. The text of the charge isn’t publicly available—only the section of the NLRA that the group accuses the union of having violated. The Sierra Club declined to provide either a copy of the charge or further details about it.

Almost $32,000 worth of high-speed storage

A Texas man reported missing eight years ago as a teen actually returned home a day later and has been there all along with his mother, who deceived police by giving fake names and insisting he was gone in the years before his discovery last week at a Houston church, city police said Thursday. Rudolph “Rudy” Farias IV, 25, returned home March 8, 2015, one day after he was reported missing, Lt. Christopher Zamora said in a news conference. While Houston officers had interacted since then with Farias and his mother, both provided fake names and dates of birth, misleading officers, he said. His mother “continued to deceive police by remaining adamant that Rudy was still missing,” he said.

One afternoon in the middle of June, Elan Quashie had just finished restocking the vending machine outside of the Brownsville nonprofit where he works when a co-worker told him a man was slumped over next to it. Quashie suspected that the man was overdosing on fentanyl and immediately jumped into “training mode”; as the overdose program director at Services for the UnderServed, he has spent nearly a decade teaching people how to use naloxone, also known as Narcan, to reverse overdoses. But he had never done it in real life. After calling for an ambulance and rubbing his knuckles on the man’s sternum to wake him (this didn’t work), Quashie punched some buttons on the vending machine to get a pack of Narcan nasal spray. He pushed one dose into the man’s nose, and then, when that didn’t seem to revive him, another. The unconscious man finally stirred awake. He was confused — the last thing he remembered was looking for a place to sit down. New York’s first naloxone vending machine had only been installed on the sidewalk days earlier, and it had probably saved his life.

The myth of the Mafia, immortalized in countless gangster movies, is that they protect their own. As the legend goes, once you’re a fully pledged member of La Cosa Nostra—a “made man,” in common parlance—you enjoy the special impunity of a club that values loyalty above all. This rosy view of organized crime is of course pure fantasy: From actual court cases involving gangsters, it seems they are exceptionally quick to rat each other out to avoid jail time. But there is one group of shadowy miscreants that do operate under a code of omertà designed to ensure that almost all misdeeds will be forgiven, forgotten, and shielded from punishment: the American foreign policy establishment. Once you’re an accredited member of the cozy club of Washington policy warlords, you need never worry about having to face the consequences of your actions. Perhaps the only major exceptions to this rule are those who break the code of silence and let the public in on the dirty deeds of the ruling class—as the late Daniel Ellsberg did with the release of the Pentagon Papers. For that unpardonable crime, the price is ostracism and threats of jail. Ellsberg’s great foe Henry Kissinger offers the more typical pattern. Kissinger was recently feted at New York’s Public Library, in an event so private that no guest list was posted. But standing outside the library, reporter Jonathan Guyer got a glimpse of a stellar constellation of the political and economic upper crust, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken, former Treasury secretary Larry Summers, former representative Jane Harman, tech billionaire Eric Schmidt. USAID administrator Samantha Powers was also there to raise a toast to Kissinger. This is perhaps the best example of elite coziness since, as Guyer notes, in her 2002 book “A Problem From Hell”: America in the Age of Genocide, Powers detailed both Kissinger’s sins of commission (the carpet bombing of Cambodia) and omission (turning a blind eye to the murder of a million Bengalis killed by America’s allies in the Pakistani military).

“Based on a true story,” I heard from somewhere across the theater. The familiar words had appeared on screen, and an elderly man had taken it upon himself to read them aloud, to the rest of a sizable audience seated for a matinee showing of the anti-child-trafficking thriller Sound of Freedom, starring Jim Caviezel. For the seasoned moviegoer, this phrase is a joke — we know that cinema will stretch almost any “truth” to the breaking point — and the rank insincerity of such a pronouncement is the foundation of the prankish opening titles of Fargo. But this crowd, I could tell, would view the events depicted over the next two-plus hours as entirely literal. Caviezel, best known for being tortured to death in Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ, has become a prominent figure on the conspiracist right, giving speeches and interviews in which he hints at an underground holy war between patriots and a sinister legion of evildoers who are harvesting the blood of children. It’s straight-up QAnon stuff, right down to his use of catchphrases like “The storm is upon us.” Here, he gets to act out some of that drama by playing a fictionalized version of Tim Ballard, head of the anti-sex trafficking nonprofit Operation Underground Railroad (O.U.R.), in a feature film that casts the operator as a Batman-style savior for kids sold into the sex trade. Ballard himself has dabbled in Q-adjacent conspiracy theories, such as the Wayfair trafficking hoax, while his organization has far-right affinities and a long record of distorting its botched “raids,” which rely on bizarre tactics like asking psychics where to find victims for rescue. Ballard, Caviezel, and others of their ilk had primed the public to accept Sound of Freedom as a documentary rather than delusion by fomenting moral panic for years over this grossly exaggerated “epidemic” of child sex-trafficking, much of it funneling people into conspiracist rabbit holes and QAnon communities. In short, I was at the movies with people who were there to see their worst fears confirmed.

One of the darkest moments of France’s colonial history has never been properly acknowledged. That could be about to change. Since 2013, March 19 has marked France’s annual day of commemoration for those killed in the Algerian war of independence as well as the more minor conflicts in Morocco and Tunisia. But on the day that France commemorates those who died in its wars of decolonisation in North Africa, the truth about a massacre of sub-Saharans who fought on its side in World War II must also be acknowledged. In December 1944, between 35 and 70 tirailleurs sénégalais – colonial troops from French West Africa – were killed at a demobilisation camp in Thiaroye, just outside Dakar in Senegal. These were soldiers who fought for France who were then gunned down in cold blood by the French army. Then followed decades of silence on the matter. Successive governments said nothing, and when they did, as in the case of Nicolas Sarkozy, they took a “Je ne regrette rien” stance. Then, François Hollande appeared to begin to break rank. On a trip to Dakar in October 2012, he called the events of December 1 1944 “an act of bloody repression”. He solemnly declared that France would hand over archives relating to the massacre on its 70th anniversary. He reiterated these sentiments at a speech at the military cemetery in Thiaroye in November 2014 – on the eve of that anniversary. However, the impression given was that the announcement of the creation of a museum on the site and the formal handing over of several boxes’ worth of archives to Senegal was designed to draw a line under Thiaroye, not open it up to more scrutiny.

An attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation called automated license plate readers ‘a growing threat to everyone’s privacy.’