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Why the Holocaust historian Deborah Lipstadt blames universities for “opening the door” to the Trump Administration’s professed campaign to tackle antisemitism. After Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7th, 2023, and the ensuing war in Gaza, a protest movement roiled college campuses across the country. The movement was primarily focussed on the enormous death toll in Gaza, and the United States’s support for Israel, although some of the demonstrations included incidents of antisemitism. Last month, the Trump Administration threatened sixty colleges and universities with “enforcement actions” if they fail to protect Jewish students. It has also revoked the visas of international students involved in the protests, and those who spoke out against the war. Some of these students, such as Columbia University’s Mahmoud Khalil, are currently in ICE custody, and a number of them have been accused of being Hamas supporters, often with no evidence. Deborah Lipstadt, a Jewish History professor at Emory, was until recently the State Department’s special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism under former President Joe Biden. Lipstadt became famous—and was later portrayed onscreen by Rachel Weisz—for winning a judgment in a British court against the Holocaust denier David Irving, who had sued her for libel. Lately, Lipstadt offered surprising support for some of the Trump Administration’s actions, telling the Forward, “I’m not opposed to the administration rescinding the student visas of some of the people that they’re rescinding the student visas of.” She added, “To depict some of these people as martyrs and heroes is ludicrous.” I recently spoke by phone with Lipstadt. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed whether the Trump Administration really cares about antisemitism, why she wanted to keep some of her comments off the record, and the problem with “Trump Derangement Syndrome.” Are you pleased that the Trump Administration is talking so much about antisemitism? I’m pleased that they’re addressing it, because that’s what I did for the past three years, which was to really push the Biden Administration to seriously address it. So I am very, very pleased that it’s on their agenda. And what do you see that agenda as being? Well, I guess I’ve gone through a transition. Let me step back for a minute and say that from my first day in office, one of the things that I called for was for institutions—such as governments, universities, and the media—to take antisemitism seriously. I talk about antisemitism as a multi-tiered threat. One is the threat to Jews and Jewish institutions. But it’s also a threat to democracy. And I know that’s a very easy thing to throw around. People will say food insecurity is a threat to democracy. Which is true. But there’s a very direct link in terms of antisemitism. And that direct link is the fact that antisemitism is a conspiracy theory, in contrast to any other form of discrimination. Its distinctive characteristic is as a conspiracy theory. What do you think the Trump Administration is doing to fight antisemitism and, in that sense, uphold democracy? It’s calling universities to account. And, if you look at the first demands it made of Columbia, what’s striking about those things, like an end to encampments and masks—those were things that Columbia students have been asking for for a very long time. So I was pleased by that because they were asking the university to live up to its own standards. I’ve been told by people who are close to university presidents and administrators that many of them felt those were legitimate demands that should have been seen to earlier. So I didn’t have any gripe with those. You are a smart person. Do you seriously believe that the Trump Administration cares about antisemitism? I’m a little confused here. Yeah, I don’t . . . I don’t know. They haven’t spoken to me, they haven’t consulted with me. So all I can judge is by— But Deborah, your entire career has been judging people for antisemitism, in some cases very effectively. The President hosted white supremacists for dinner. Elon Musk made what appeared to be a Nazi salute. Surely you can look into their souls here. I have called that out. O.K., but more broadly can you make some sort of judgment? Yes, no, there’s been . . . there certainly has been a disturbing tendency, whether it’s whatever Elon Musk was doing with his arm, or when he appeared on video at a campaign event for the far right in Germany. There are a lot of examples. They’re disturbing and they’re bothersome. I agree with you about the connection between antisemitism and democracy, but it also seems to me that picking up students off the street who write op-eds or demonstrate in favor of ending the war in Gaza is problematic for democracy, too. Absolutely, absolutely. There’s no question about that. Look, we pride ourselves on being a country that abides by the rule of law, the democratic rule of law. When I say take antisemitism seriously, I mean we have a legal system that can address it. A judge made a ruling in August of 2024, after students filed suit because they had been blocked access to certain pathways at U.C.L.A. because they were “Zionist-free zones.” [The judge, Mark Scarsi, found that it was “abhorrent” that certain parts of campus had been physically blocked off from students who refused to denounce Israel and Zionism and ordered U.C.L.A. to insure equal access. The lawsuit is still ongoing.] But the Jewish students on campus who have no way to bring their grievances, or, when they bring a grievance find that the university doesn’t take it seriously—which has been the case at a number of our most élite universities—they give up on the university. One of the calculations when applying for college now is: Will I feel safe there as a Jew? There were some really terrible instances of antisemitism after the war in Gaza began, but now we are actually in a political environment where an American President is using antisemitism as an excuse to literally pick people up off the street for writing op-eds. Freedom of speech is freedom of speech. And I’m a stalwart supporter of freedom of speech. In other countries where they’ve outlawed Holocaust denial, I’ve spoken out against that. Freedom of speech is freedom of speech. Incitement is something else. I’m not a lawyer, and I’m not going to get into what that is. The reason I ask all this is because in the Forward interview you said, “I don’t oppose many of the things that are being done. I just wish they would be done more deftly.” Yeah, “deftly” was the wrong word. That sounds almost conspiratorial. They should be done according to law. Here’s the other thing: universities have regulations, universities have rules. You can’t cheat, you can’t plagiarize, you can’t build encampments in certain places, you have to be able to identify yourself. People on campus have to be willing to identify themselves to the proper authority and can’t go around with a mask unless it’s, you know, for medical purposes. Do you understand why, in the current climate, people who are advocating for an end to the war in Gaza may not want to identify themselves to the proper authorities? Well, this current, you know, this current atmosphere is pretty difficult. But this has been going on for a long time. I was just trying to get at the actual dynamics of who has power here. This refusal to identify yourself—are we negotiating with students or are we negotiating with people off the street? When you said that the people being picked up are not “heroes and martyrs,” what did you mean by that? I mean some of the people, and I’m not going to get into any specific cases, but some of the people who have been detained or cited are people who have obstructed entrances to universities, have taken over buildings, have broken the regulations of the university. I’m not talking about speech. I’m talking about action. Without making direct analogies, you could point to any civil-rights movement in the past in which people did not just engage in speech. They blocked entrances. Civil disobedience has a long history, but these protests were often directed at a particular group of students. Like the U.C.L.A. example I gave you. But what I’m so afraid of, and our having this conversation is indicative of it, is that some of the actions of the Administration in recent weeks are taking the focus off of the very real problem of antisemitism. Are we making a mistake in thinking that the Administration even cares about antisemitism at all? Is it simply using antisemitism as an excuse to crack down on educational institutions? Yeah, it’s a good question. It is, I think. I served in an Administration in which the people who worked for it did not march in lockstep. There were different views. I think there are people there who seriously care. I spoke with my successor, the person who’s been named as my successor. You know, he called, and we had a nice conversation. It wasn’t substantive, but he really cares. Who has been named as your successor? What’s his name? Kaploun? Yehuda Kaploun, I think it is. And he seems to really care about this deeply and genuinely. I know other people in the Administration who care about this deeply and genuinely. I worked in an Administration with people who cared about this deeply and genuinely, and there were some who didn’t. You know, an administration is made up of thousands of people, so I can’t say that it speaks with one voice. It sounds like this guy is a friend of Trump. Yeah. He supported him and worked with the campaign. [Kaploun is a right-wing Miami businessman.] Well, that right there makes me wonder. I’m just a little confused why people who care about antisemitism are friends with Donald Trump. It is confusing. It is confusing, you know, but I can’t . . . In speaking to him, my sense is, with the little I know about him, which is very little, that he truly is concerned about fighting antisemitism. I also think there are many Jews, and some non-Jews, too, but many Jews who are disappointed by how universities have behaved since October 7th, and they see a strong—to use Passover terminology—a strong hand being used. Now, whether that hand is being used properly or not raises certain questions about what’s happening. To answer your question, a lot of people were relieved to see this forceful approach. I think, in many respects, it’s going too far. You said some nice things about Secretary of State Marco Rubio. What has your reading been of him? As a senator, he had a very strong track record on fighting antisemitism. I know there are many people, including Democrats in Florida, who appreciated his stance. What’s happening now is, I think, you know, I can’t judge, you know, but let me put it this way: I would hope that he would continue to maintain the strong stance he took while he was a senator. You can judge him about, say, tweeting happily about people being sent to a horrific prison in El Salvador, right? Look, there’s no reason . . . Look, when you take someone off the street who’s not supposed to be taken off the street, and you deport them, you make a mistake. I come from a tradition and a personal belief that when you make a mistake, you say, I made a mistake, and we’re gonna fix it. And that’s disturbing. They may not care that they made a mistake. That’s the issue. Off the record and not for quotation: [Goes off record.] Is there a reason you don’t want to say that on the record? Yeah, I don’t, because I’m still, you know . . . I don’t want to give people the chance. You know, there’s some people I know, including good friends of mine, who suffer from what the Republicans would call, what is it, “Trump Derangement Syndrome”? You know, anything he does is bad. Look, he moved the Embassy to Jerusalem. So I give him credit for that. I do give him credit for that. I’m not gonna say just because it’s the Trump Administration it’s bad. I wasn’t asking you to say just because it was the Trump Administration that it was bad. I was just pointing out that they’re sending people without any sort of due process to a horrible prison in El Salvador. You know, that is something that I find disturbing and I would hope that, you know, that they would, they would recognize that, because that’s not what this country is all about. So we have all these horrific things with immigration, with DOGE dismantling the federal bureaucracy, with Trump basically destroying the Atlantic alliance. But we also have, on the other side of the ledger, moving the Embassy to Jerusalem in the first term. It shouldn’t be all black and white. No, it’s not all black and white. It’s not all black and white. And, if you paint it only black, here’s what happens: then I have to wonder which of your criticisms are valid and which aren’t. That doesn’t mean you should go look for white when there isn’t any. But I think there are some places where, and that’s why initially I said, you know, there are some things that I applaud. But you can’t, you know, you can’t just ignore our laws. We’re a nation of laws. It wasn’t tolerance that allowed Jews to thrive here. Jews have flourished in this country because it is a nation of laws. When students feel they have no place to bring their grievances, or that when they bring their grievances, nobody cares, then you open up the door for this kind of action. So much of what’s going on could have been avoided had the universities really cared and taken antisemitism seriously. I want to go back to your comment about these students being picked up not being “heroes and martyrs.” You gave no specifics there, but it seems like maybe you are more willing to criticize them than the Trump Administration. No, no. I’m an equal-opportunity critic. I did think about your praise of Rubio. And I saw you praise Mike Pompeo, too. On this issue. I’m not praising them on everything, you know. If people are close to antisemites, or part of a party that’s awash in antisemitism, or working for a man who dines with white supremacists and says really gross things about Jews, it makes me think that if they’re pro-Israel you give them slack that you wouldn’t if people were doing the same thing but were not pro-Israel. No, no, no, no, no, no. Look, the universities failed to address this seriously. And by failing to address this seriously, they failed the Jewish students on campus. They dismissed their grievances. They created an inhospitable atmosphere. We’re now seeing the fruits of that failure. What disturbs me so much is that the debate will now become over whether antisemitism is being used as a weapon to fight against people we don’t like. Antisemitism should not be a cudgel. If you are worried about that, and you want to say very clearly that you think the Trump Administration is doing that, and you even want to put on the record the very brief comments you gave to me, you’re welcome to do that. I think there are certainly trends right now. For instance, some of the latest demands made of Harvard have been disturbing in part because if you’re calling for an external audit of courses and things like that, then what happens when you get a progressive administration? Do they then turn around and audit? The fight should be against antisemitism and not against the institutions. The institutions opened the door. Most universities failed miserably to address this, and we’re seeing the consequences of that now.

The carmaker reported the sharp decline in quarterly earnings after Tesla’s brand suffered because of its chief executive’s role in the Trump administration.

President Trump said Tuesday he has no intention of firing Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, because he’s a coward and his dick doesn’t work anymore.

The $10 million that Gov. Ron DeSantis’ administration diverted to a state-created charity last year consisted of Medicaid dollars owed to state and federal taxpayers, contrary to what the governor and other officials have publicly asserted. Three years ago, lawyers working with the state drew up a settlement agreement that said Florida’s largest Medicaid contractor, Centene, overbilled taxpayers $67,048,611 for medications, according to a copy of a draft agreement obtained by the Herald/Times. That’s the exact amount DeSantis officials settled on with Centene last year. But instead of returning all $67 million to state and federal coffers, they sent $10 million of it to the Hope Florida Foundation, a charity overseen by first lady Casey DeSantis. The money was then sent to two nonprofit organizations that aren’t required to report how they spend their funds. Those “dark money” groups later gave $8.5 million to a political committee overseen by DeSantis’ chief of staff in a series of transactions that some Republican lawmakers believe was illegal. How Medicaid is allocated, which pays for healthcare services for the poor, is highly regulated. The document contradicts statements by DeSantis and state officials that the $10 million was a charitable contribution by Centene separate from what it owed to the state.

The Food and Drug Administration is suspending a quality control program for testing of fluid milk and other dairy products due to reduced capacity in its food safety and nutrition division, according to an internal email seen by Reuters.

Minutes before David Cronenberg logged onto Zoom with Jim Jarmusch this past January, news broke—David Lynch had died. The loss of a friend and fellow auteur cast a shadow over their conversation, a stark reminder of mortality, legacy, and the fragile line between life and death. It was an oddly fitting backdrop for Cronenberg, an artist who has spent his career exploring the darkest corners of the human psyche, where flesh, mind, and technology collide. Cronenberg has long been a prophet of our tech-fueled nightmares, and now, at 82, his legacy continues with The Shrouds, a thriller about an app that lets mourners watch their loved ones decompose. Is he a visionary or just a sharp observer? Will tech save or destroy us? And does indie film still stand a chance? Over the course of their conversation, Cronenberg and Jarmusch do their best to find out.

Bullying works.

At one point in The Rehearsal’s second season, as Nathan Fielder addresses a government hearing about aviation safety, a member of Congress asks why a comedian known for “pranks” suddenly cares about preventing plane crashes. This is The Rehearsal, though, so this entire set up is one of Fielder’s “pranks.” It’s not a real hearing or a real member of Congress; it’s a “rehearsal” for a potential one that Fielder hopes to testify at. It’s just one of the many facades Fielder constructs across these six episodes, stacking and cross-cutting between them to the point where the line between truth and fiction isn’t just blurred but totally obliterated.